New York State in the year 2000

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City transportation officials oversee the program, selecting camera sites and reviewing violations before fines are mailed. State law had required speed cameras to be placed within a quarter mile of a school on streets where there was a building entrance or exit. The camera hours varied by school, but generally ran from one hour before to one hour after the school day. Even this limited use was too much for critics.

Last year, the program became tangled in partisan politics when the Republican-led State Senate refused to renew it unless it was tied to other measures opposed by the Democrat-controlled Assembly. The cameras effectively went dark last summer until Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, stepped in with an executive order to reactivate them.

But this year, with Democrats now controlling both chambers, state legislators voted not just to renew the program, but to make it far more expansive. For the first time, cameras can now be installed along high-crash streets even if there is no school. Camera hours will more than double and operate year-round, from 6 a. State Senator Andrew Gounardes, a Democrat from Brooklyn who led the campaign, said the changes allow the cameras to protect students and families walking to and from schools, and cover activities outside of regular school hours, such as play rehearsals and summer camps.

Around schools that already have speed cameras, the number of crashes dropped by an average of 15 percent to 2, a year, down from 2,, according to a city analysis of data from to During that time, fatalities fell by an average of 55 percent, dropping to eight from 18 a year; severe injuries fell by 17 percent, to from a year. The cameras also led to a reduction in speeding, with an average of violations issued each day for a typical speed camera in the first month compared with 51 violations a day by the end of the first year.

Two toll-free superhighways, the Adirondack Northway linking Albany with the Canadian border and the North-South Expressway crossing central New York from the Pennsylvania border to the Thousand Islands , have been opened.

The great metropolis of New York City is the nerve center of the nation. It is a leader in manufacturing, foreign trade, commerce and banking, book and magazine publishing, and theatrical production. A leading seaport, its John F. Kennedy International Airport is one of the busiest airports in the world. The printing and publishing industry is the city's largest manufacturing employer, with the apparel industry second. The St. Lawrence seaway and power projects have opened the North Country to industrial expansion and have given the state a second seacoast.

The state ranks sixth in the nation in manufacturing, with , employees in The principal industries are printing and publishing, industrial machinery and equipment, electronic equipment, and instruments. The convention and tourist business is also an important source of income.

New York History Timeline

New York farms produce cattle and calves, corn and poultry, and vegetables and fruits. The state is a leading wine producer. New York was hit particularly hard by 's Superstorm Sandy in late October.

All U. A defining political and cultural event, it stunned nearly everyone, and its tiniest details remain etched in the players' memories.

New York | Capital, Map, Population, History, & Facts | hindrejebepu.cf

Thirty years ago this week, New York State legalized abortion, adopting the country's most liberal law, three years before the Supreme Court legalized abortion nationwide. The state's decision turned on hard-to-predict legislative votes and tactical errors by abortion opponents. The drama, which several participants recalled in interviews this week, was decided by the last-minute change of a single vote. New York had a Republican governor then, Nelson A. Rockefeller, and Republicans controlled both houses of the Legislature. Of the legislators, just 4 were women. Surviving supporters of that bill will celebrate the anniversary on Tuesday at the Yale Club in Manhattan, at a reception sponsored by the National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League, known as Naral.

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Their adversaries plan no gathering, but are acutely aware of the date. By , a few states had carved limited exceptions out of what was essentially a nationwide ban on abortion. Hawaii had approved the nation's first broad legalization, but it applied only to Hawaii residents. New York was second, its law went further, and it had no residency requirement.

In the first two years, 60 percent of women having abortions in New York were from out of state.

Vital Statistics of New York State 2000 Tables

In the early 's, Assemblyman Percy E. Sutton of Manhattan introduced New York's first bill to loosen the prohibition. In , and , the Assembly defeated bills to permit abortion under very limited circumstances. But before , the Senate majority leader, Earl W. Brydges of Niagara Falls, a staunch abortion opponent, would not allow a vote in his house. In separate interviews, some of the surviving participants shared their memories of the legalization debate:.

New York Area and Population Density

I remember attending the [New York State] Constitutional Convention of , and there wasn't a single bill on the subject, nor was there any advocacy. There was the war. There was the women's movement, which was really bringing the abortion issue to a crescendo. It was the end of the civil rights era, and we viewed this as a civil right.

In '65, we had repealed the death penalty, which people thought was impossible. There was a sense that extraordinary things were possible. We decided at that first meeting to concentrate on New York State as our breakthrough state. We felt that New York represented our best opportunity, and we knew that other states often looked to New York as setting an example. So we set up tables and gathered petitions in key districts in New York. And people forget that back then, a big part of the argument was about economics.

Women with money could get abortions. They could pay doctors to do them, or they could go to Puerto Rico or to another country. Poor women, on the other hand, were dying in droves from unsafe abortions.

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The party wasn't even united on it then, because nobody had given it much thought. We first put a pro-life plank in the party platform in , and we had a big internal fight about it. Nobody -- and I mean nobody -- expected this to become a reality. So in '69, Franz Leichter and I sponsored a bill for a full-fledged repeal, and we did it again in The Senate was perceived to be the more conservative house, and they thought if the Senate passed it, that would improve the chances in the Assembly.

So Fred Ohrenstein came to me and said, 'Would you be a sponsor? But I said O. And then Fred said they decided that it would be best to have a Republican as the prime sponsor. So without my doing much of anything, I became the prime sponsor. The big groups that have formed around this issue over the last 30 years barely even existed then. It came rather fast, and it even took the church by surprise, because their main concern was the aid for schools. I remember a lot of us being kind of angry at the Cardinal [Terence Cooke] and the bishops for not doing more, that if they had all gone to Albany, it would have changed the outcome.